Monthly Archives: January 2008

MOZAMBIQUE BUSTS SUSPECTED CHILD SMUGGLING RING

Published: January 30, 2008

 Reuters

MAPUTO (Reuters) – Mozambican police have detained a suspected human trafficker after discovering 40 children packed into trucks in inhumane conditions along the African country’s main highway, an official said on Wednesday.

The children were loaded on trucks in northern Mozambique and were en route to the southern part of the country, where there is a growing child labor and prostitution problem, said Feliciano Dique, a spokesman for the Sofala provincial police.

The driver of one of the trucks told police they were transporting the kids to schools in the capital Maputo and elsewhere in the nation.

“We don’t believe this theory because the children are hungry and weak, while they don’t have any proper documentation. The driver does not even know their names, therefore, he has been detained for questioning,” Dique said.

Mozambique is expected this year to enact a law that would increase prison sentences for human smugglers and others engaging in the practice. Those caught trafficking people currently face jail terms ranging from two to eight years.

But authorities have not yet prosecuted any human smugglers. Efforts to do so have been handicapped by the former Portuguese colony’s general tolerance of child labor, which is common in its rural areas, as well as its weak border controls.

Smugglers have seized on the country’s complacent attitude, arranging for young men and boys to be sent to work on farms and mines, and young girls to be sold into domestic servitude and to brothels in neighboring southern African nations.

The smuggling networks are usually small operations run by Mozambicans and South Africans. South Africa is one of the major destinations for those who fall prey to the human traffickers.

An estimated 1,000 Mozambican women and children are trafficked to South Africa each year, according to the International Organisation on Migration (IOM).

(Editing by Paul Simao and Giles Elgood)

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2 BLACK AMERICAN WOMEN FILE SUIT AGAINST THE GARDEN

Published: January 3, 2008
Two African-American women who were security supervisors at Madison Square Garden accused arena management in a lawsuit filed Wednesday in Brooklyn Supreme Court of discriminating against them by giving them less-desirable assignments and favoring white employees despite their lesser qualifications.The women — Diane Henson and Sheila Gay-Robbins — described incidents of discrimination that were different from the sexual harassment accusations made by Anucha Browne Sanders and by Courtney Prince, a former captain of the Rangers City Skaters cheerleaders.

Browne Sanders, a former Knicks senior vice president, settled for damages of $11.5 million last month after a trial that held Coach Isiah Thomas liable for sexual harassment. Soon after, Prince settled for an undisclosed sum before a trial date was set.

On Oct. 8, six days after a federal jury’s verdict for Browne Sanders, Henson held a news conference to announce her intention to sue the Garden. Gay-Robbins was not identified then as the second woman who was going to join Henson in the lawsuit.

Henson and Gay-Robbins, each in her 50s, said their problems began after the hiring in 2005 of Kirk Randazzo, the Garden’s vice president for event operations, and Joseph DiCoco, a director of event operations.

Henson said she refused to sign a suspension notice based on “stale” accusations against her by former employees. Subsequently, she was assigned to the arena’s “nosebleed section,” which required that she supervise “children, large groups and unruly youths.” She said her schedule was less flexible than those of comparable male and white employees and that she worked longer hours for lower pay than some of them. She also said that “younger white female employees” who were “personally involved” with Randazzo and DiCoco received promotions and better pay.

Last March, she said, she was reprimanded for “alleged tardiness and/or absences,” but when she complained that white employees who also arrived late were not disciplined, she was told, “It’s about you,” a quotation attributed to Randazzo and DiCoco.

She said her complaints were not investigated by the Garden’s employee relations department and no action was taken. After she resigned under pressure in July after 11 years, she accused the Garden of circulating a photograph of her as a way to alert employees to prevent her from entering the building.

Gay-Robbins said she “advised” Randazzo not to post a photograph of her. But she said she saw him do it “in the same retaliatory and racist manner” before her resignation after five years at the Garden.

Gay-Robbins’s accusations are similar to Henson’s. She said that as a result of her complaints about discriminatory treatment, she received “disciplinary memoranda based on unsubstantiated and pretextual allegations.”

In a statement, the Garden said: “In addition to our own internal review, we hired an attorney to investigate the allegations of Ms. Henson and Ms. Gay-Robbins, who found them to be without merit. We will vigorously defend ourselves.”

(Article courtesy of The New York Times:  http://www.nytimes.com )

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RACE, GENDER….AND ‘HONORARY WHITENESS’

Over at Rachel’s Tavern, she has put up a post discussing how whites bestow “honorary whiteness” upon black people,  http://www.rachelstavern.com/?p=876

She states the following:

Personally, I think there are big gender differences in whites willingness to view blacks as “honorary whites”-I think black men are much more likely to get honorary white status than black women. I have a hard time articulating why I think this in 2 sentences or less. Broadly speaking I think it is related to the double discrimination that black women face, but I think there are other reasons, which we could expand on in this discussion.”

I responded:

Black males receive it (honorary whiteness) more than black females.

Black women facing both sexism from BOTH black and white men, as well as men of other races.

Black women are looked at as less capable (sexism) because they are women, add to that the racism (from men of all races) then the chance of receiving honorary whiteness goes down tremendously.

Have to go back to a my favourite book title:

“All the blacks are men, all the women are white, but some of us are brave.”

By default, most people picture black men when the words “black people” are stated. Most people think white women when the word “women” is stated.

Black women in the eyes of whites face sexualized gendered racism, from both white men and white women:

White men:
-black women are invisible, non-existent as human beings OR as women

White women:
-black women are seen as sexual competition, and there are some white women who are only too glad to see black women as less than human in the eyes of all men, if only so that all eyes can remain on white women, no matter what kind of character, or lack thereof, a particular white woman may bring to the table of dating/marriage.

Race (blackness) and gender (femaleness) are seen first by people when they see/meet a black woman. Immediately perceptions of less than human occur.

In many people’s eyes black women have LED NO MAJOR MOVEMENTS  in this country, and that lie cannot be further from the truth. Black women have led many movements in this country, contrary to what many people think of black women.

But, since this country worships  BOTH whiteness AND maleness, black men can have that door open for them to an extent (hanging with the boys; more social capital from the boss), because of their gender, than black women can have accorded them.

As for white and black women friendships………….no.

Keep in mind that ALL women are unfortunately in sexual competition with each other where it concerns men, (and not just men:  competition for promotion on jobs, better access to higher education, better pay/wages for the same type of work) and if there was a roomful of men of all races, and a black woman walked in at the same time as a white woman, the black woman would have to contend with racist AND sexist lies/myths/stereotypes directed her way, whereas the white woman would contend more with sexism.

White men and white women are quicker to give HW status to most black men before they will give any of it to most black women.

____________________________________________

Another commentor spoke of “cultural capital”, a term that many people are not familiar with. Cultural capital—the learned patterns of mutual trust, encounter rituals, insider knowledge of how things work, as well as social sensibilities that constitute the language of power and success.

Residential segregation makes it very easy to give black citizens an inferior education, health care, other public services and a lower social connection standing in this nation, thereby excluding them from corporate, civic, and cultural life.

In addition to cultural capital, many people are not familiar with the terms “social capital” or “economic capital” (do black Americans get more for their economic dollars than white people? Are black people charged more for what their economic dollar can buy,  for the same services/products, than whites?) , and how the negative effects of there being less of these in the lives of black people  can seriously cripple the social/economical/educational lives of millions of black citizens. I addressed my comments to his post in the following comments:

dave p.:

“My research questions focused on cultural capital, and how race/class/gender affect the possession and activation of it.”

My response:

A very important aspect that many people are not aware of.

Black Americans have the LEAST cultural capital in this country, not so much that they do not have cultural capital; they do; but, that their cultural capital is not respected, honored nor validated by non-black America. The French sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu recognized and espoused four different types of capital:  economic capital; cultural capital, embodied (in persons), objectified (in art), and institutionalized (university degrees); social capital, resources grounded in durable exchange networks of persons; and symbolic capital, manifestation of each of the other forms of capital when they are naturalized on their own terms. Cultural capital, like social capital, provides each of its group’s members with the backing of the collectively owned capital a “credential” which entitles them to credit———and credibility.

Asian-Americans (because of the Model Minority Lie/Myth) have the most cultural capital in the eyes of whites. Because of residential/educational/social segregation, on the job—and in daily life, this lack of cultural capital for black Americans is debilitating.

Cultural capital, forms of knowledge; skill; education (formal education); any advantages a person has which give them a higher status in society, including high expectations is severely diminished for black Americans because of the pariah status they have been saddled with by white Americans and white racist/supremacy.

It also depends on what the situation is where black people are. That can decide due to external factors, as to whom (black man or black woman) receives cultural capital. Sometimes it is the black man, sometimes it is the black woman.

Another situation where black men may have cultural/social capital would be in the dating/marriage aspect.

Even though black men as well as black women are disparaged by this country because of their black skin, black men do not suffer from the insidious beauty/looks that black women suffer.

Black men have cultural capital as MEN, and even though they are not white men, that is a form of cultural capital they can have.

Not all black women are seen as non-threatening. In some cases, black women are seen as more threatening than black men.

Middle class black women may be seen as less threatening than working-class (socio-economic) black women. Because of lack of contact with poor black women, many whites fear the “unknown x factor” of these women’s presence, and attribute degrading terms and behaviour to them. The assumptions against poor black women may range from all, or much of the following:

-Low class (lacking in manners: uncouth, loud)
-Lacking in morals (considered as liars, thieves)
-Lacking self-control (”baby mama drama”; mothers to 3 or more OOW children)

As a group, black Americans have the least cultural capital in this country, and even though black Americans have been in this country for over 10 generations, have contributed so much to this country, those groups who have come after them, have been more welcomed than blacks ever could have hoped to be.

Sundown towns, which still exist, kept black Americans out only more so just because black Americans were black—never mind that the black people simply wanted to move where they wanted to live.

As the government (which had a huge hand in creating AND maintaining sundown towns) finally began to attack the very racist geographical neighborhoods it helped create, sundown towns had to cease their predatory racist practices in housing. When these towns were challenged more, non-whites were able to begin to move into them.

But, not so for black people. A sundown town was more willing to let a Mexican, El Salvadoran or a Hmong with a third-grade education in before they would let a black with a Ph. D. in.

Cultural capital is very important.

It gives a person skills to be able to work with all people, it gives people STANDING in the eyes of every group in the environment: work, neighborhood, the country. Black people coming into a work environment, whether corporate, working-class or whatever, bring the least cultural capital because of this country’s continued persecution of them, persecution that continues in the present day.

And make no mistake, white America does have its picks about whom it will accord human status.

Today it may be a single black man (”Oh, you are different. You are not like all the other “hordes of angry barbarian” blacks. I will allow YOU white honorary status because you can’t possibly be like those  OTHER black people.”) who receives this okay from white Americans, or it may be a black woman. This otherizing of most black people and singling out the one black person (or black group: middle class black women as opposed to working-class black women) also limits and defines the selected black person as some type of “pet black”, some type of mascot, ESPECIALLY if the black person does not come off as independent, outspoken, passionate in their beliefs, strong in their convictions.

But, even if the black person is as meek and mild as can be, that may still not help them. They (be they a black man or woman) can still be seen as threatening because of the millions of hateful stereotypical lies white people have told and lied on black people for over 400 years.

Cultural capital.

Everyone needs it.

You will have a difficult time functioning in this society if you have very little of it.

ECONOMIC and SOCIAL OSTRACISM has given black citizens the least and most deplorable cultural capital. This limits black people, very often, not through their fault, but, because of a black-race hating society. Many black people work twice as hard as everyone else, stay out of crime, are good citizens—-do everything but become saints, and still have to watch as this country not only treats other groups with more humanity than black people—black people have to see and feel the denigrating sting of whites showing favouritism as to which black person (man, or woman) that white people will consider as human.

Today a black man.

Tomorrow, a black woman.

Sigh.

Racist and sexist stereotypes can cut into and curtail a black person’s cultural capital:

-Black men: all savage monster beasts who everyone shuns, moves away from on elevators, on sidewalks, at night;
-Black women: treated as invisible in the promotion process in some corporations, not considered mentoring material by white CEO-type males); invisible in the dating/marriage market

Black Americans are saddled with the “Menace to Society” tag more than any other racial group in America (never mind that whites, Latinos, Asians have members in their group who commit crime…no…it is only black people who commit crime, so lock up, seal down your valuables, because you just can’t leave anything lying around when those blacks come on the job. Incidentally, how many black people on their jobs have seen a dime, dollar bill, of any money/or valuable object “conveniently” left out when that black person entered a room? As a black person you have to ask yourself, “Why?”).

This too, is a form of having the least cultural capital.

Cultural capital is not something that is always tangible.

It is not always something you can hold in your hands.

Cultural capital gives a person humanity in everyone’s eyes.

As Ellis Cose famously raged:

“I have done everything I was supposed to do. I have stayed out of trouble with the law, gone to the right schools, worked myself nearly to death. What more do they want! Why in God’s name won’t they accept me as a full human being.”

And it goes right back to residential segregation which I have to continually reference, because that is where much of this lack of cultural capital stems from. Langston Hughes wrote on this matter in 1949 in his poem, “Restrictive Covenants” which said in part:

“When I move
Into a neighborhood
Folks fly.
Even every foreigner
That can move, moves.
Why?”

Cose went straight to the heart of the matter: residential exclusion (and the school segregation it purchases) strikes at black people’s worth as FULL HUMAN BEINGS.

Excluding black citizens from social connections can be devastating for black people. Americans connect with the larger society in important ways often through what may seem like casual or unimportant relations. A whole career might open up as a result of a tip from a friend, a friend of a friend, opportunities than can land a person a good job. Contacts, mentoring, social contacts with  VARIOUS groups of people (upper-class, working-class, black, white, etc.) affords  EVERYONE a network to get to know better the full humanity of all people. Social ostracizing/isolation/exclusion offers none of that.

It lessens a person’s cultural capital.

It debilitates it, curtails it, strangles it.

Residential/educational/social exclusion/isolation perpetuates lack of cultural capital.

If this society really cares about its future it must cease and dismantle the horrible effects that racial segregation has wrought on the cultural capital of black citizens.

And that rests in the neighborhoods all across America.

Simply by dint of living among each other (blacks, whites, other racial/ethnic groups) can lead to the making of connections that lead further to educational and occupational opportunity, thus allowing for racial and economic integration.

“There is more to it, but that’s the short version. I should also add that there weren’t many black men at the company, so I suspect that contributed to it as well.”

 

My response:

Also can be seen in a “male environment” job or any job/occupation that is overwhelmingly male dominated (engineering, construction, etc.). Here black men may have more cultural capital probably due to homosocial bonding with other males of various races.

Many people do not think about cultural capital and all it can give to a human being’s feelings of worth, of value, of standing in the eyes of people.

It is very important, and the less you have of it, the harder and more debilitating life can be for you.

Not coming into contact with much of the dominant white society erodes cultural capital for black Americans.

Cultural capital would give to black citizens learned patterns of mutual trust, insider knowledge about how things really work, encounter rituals, and social sensibilities that constitute the language of success and power.

*************************************
“The Rage of a Priviledged Class”, New York, Harper -Collins, 1993, Ellis Cose.

“Restrictive Covenant”, by Langston Hughes

“Sundown Towns”, New York, The New Press, 2005, James W. Loewen.

“This limits black people, very often, not through their fault, but, because of a black-race hating society.”

I cannot stress this often enough, but, since so many people want to concentrate on the  INDIVIDUAL and not on this society’s racism, the individual black person is looked at as the lone representative for the entire black race, often with dire, negative consequences, for both that individual black person, and the entire black race.

Structural/institutions (all-white neighborhoods, schools, churches, businesses, colleges, etc.) have played a major role in producing inequality, and thereby, negative cultural capital that has been assigned to black citizens. On the other hand, whites being the dominant group, are assigned the most positive cultural capital.

Constantly directing the focus on the individual, instead of on the structural/institutional racism that perpetuates this lack of cultural capital, presents a lie that the inequality and disadvantage seen towards the black person is through their own fault, as a result of that black individuals fault.

Never mind that whites have had much help from the government (both state, and federal) in the building up of  THEIR cultural capital.

Neighborhoods and schools is where the biggest inequalities can be seen all across America. Students, especially white ones, develop ethnocentric/stereotypical racist perceptions of black people due to residential exclusion of black people from their daily white lives. Going to school with their fellow black peers, and living in neighborhoods with their fellow black peers can be a start in tearing down this barrier, this divide that keeps so much cultural capital in the hands of whites, and so little of it in the hands, and lives, of blacks.

**********************************************************

There is a difference in how HW is given to black people, and the gender of a black person is a strong factor in who will receive the most of it, and who will receive the least of it.

*********************************************************

UPDATE 2/1/2008:

A commentor at Rachel’s post (http://www.rachelstavern.com/?p=876 ), left the following comment:

“gandolph mantooth, on February 1st, 2008 4:19 pm

“black Americans have the least cultural capital in this country, ”huh?

_________________________________

My response:

Cultural capital:

“Cultural capital (le capital culturel) is a sociological concept that has gained widespread popularity since it was first articulated by Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron first used the term in Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction (1973). In this work he attempted to explain differences in educational outcomes in France during the 1960s. It has since been elaborated and developed in terms of other types of capital in The Forms of Capital (1986); and in terms of higher education, for instance, in The State Nobility (1996). For Bourdieu, capital acts as a social relation within a system of exchange, and the term is extended ‘to all the goods material and symbolic, without distinction, that present themselves as rare and worthy of being sought after in a particular social formation and cultural capital acts as a social relation within a system of exchange that includes the accumulated cultural knowledge that confers power AND status.

RELATIONS TO OTHER TYPES OF CAPITAL

In ‘The Forms of Capital’ (1986), Bourdieu distinguishes between three types of capital:

ECONOMIC CAPITAL: command over economic resources (cash, assets).
SOCIAL CAPITAL: resources based on group membership, relationships, networks of INFLUENCE and SUPPORT. Bourdieu defines social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less INSTITUTIONALIZED relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition.”
CULTURAL CAPITAL: forms of knowledge; skill; education; any advantages a person has which give them a HIGHER STATUS in society, including HIGH EXPECTATIONS. Parents provide children with cultural capital, the attitudes and knowledge that makes the educational system a comfortable familiar place in which they can succeed easily.
Later he adds symbolic capital (resources available to an individual on the basis of honor, prestige or recognition) to this list.

Society can also provide the children of that society with cultural capital, but, in white-dominated America, white children are given more cultural capital than black children. Whites are accrued more cultural, and social, capital than blacks, due to four-plus centuries of the inequalities of racism and segregation. Therefore, some groups will be sought after more for their social capital than others.

White children are accorded HIGHER STATUS (the life and happiness of a white child is valued more than the life of a black child), and HIGHER EXPECTATIONS/RECOGNITION (a white child is looked upon as more intelligent, more educable, than a black child; a black child or for that matter, a black adult, is not accorded more intelligence: “Oh, you are so ARTICULATE for a black person”, “Oh, I did not know that black men liked [fill in the __________________.”, “Wow, black women are capable of being structural engineers? I did not know that?”)

All of the three forms of “capital”, translate into SYMBOLIC CAPITAL, which leads to resources available to an individual on the basis of HONOR, PRESTIGE or RECOGNITION).

White people, due to the worship of whiteness in America (never mind the vicious atrocities they have committed against every race they have encountered) are given a higher form of cultural capital due mainly to their “whiteness” and the high position in society they have in the eyes of many non-whites.

Black people (who have been this country’s moral voice, who have made it face up to its evils and hells of genocide, slavery, segregation) are disparaged not just by the majority of white society, but, also by those members found in other non-white groups who have accepted the pariah status given to black Americans by the institutionalized/structural racism.

Even though black people as a group do have INDIVIDUAL and GROUP cultural capital, that capital is mostly despised by the dominant group, unless it can take from black people what will serve the interest of whites, more than blacks. Many people erroneously think “cultural” capital means some sort of expertise in artwork, classical music, etc., but that is only one aspect of cultural capital.

White men are given more cultural capital in this country than are say, black women.

Even if a black woman had the same class background (and therefore same cultural capital) as a white man, worked diligently and capably on her high-career job, may face exclusion from high-level managerial positions. She may be passed over for promotion with the higher position going to a boss’s son/cousin, who may be inept in job skills, or worse, she may be passed over for promotion by the hiring of the person she taught the job to.

The dichotomy of white men’s standing (“homosocial reproduction” whereby men in managerial positions tend to reproduce themselves by hiring those people on the basis of social and gender similarity to themselves) and black women’s standing in America is the best example I can use to show the difference of types of “cultural capital”.

Even though many black people do as Ellis Cose have done:

““I have done everything I was supposed to do. I have stayed out of trouble with the law, gone to the right schools, worked myself nearly to death. WHAT MORE DO THEY WANT! Why in God’s name won’t they accept me as a full human being.”

The denigration of black Americans and all they have contributed to America is ignored, therefore black people’s cultural capital is not valued as much as white people’s cultural capital.

If I wrote in a way to imply that black people have NO cultural capital, it was not meant that way.
We do have tremendous amounts of cultural capital.

It is just that most of America refuses to see the beauty in OUR cultural capital the way they run after and uphold the cultural capital of whiteness.

American society has to question where values have originated from and evaluate the worth of those values. “Whose ideas/group are these values based on?” If the dominant group (much of racist white America’s history), then reasonable, sane people know that the GROUP IN THE MAJORITY is not always right, as America’s legalization of slavery and Native American genocide so aptly points out. They have to question the arbitrary, ethnocentric values of whiteness that designate blackness as devalued and lacking in value. They must question why wealth/land owning (home ownership) is constantly associated with whites and why poverty/ghetto/slum/crowded cities are constantly associated with blacks.

They have to question why when driving around most major metropolitan/urban cities, there is so much wealth/wage gap disparities in black neighborhoods, and why is there so much wealth/amenities/wage gap in all-white suburbs/gated communities/sundown towns?

Americans need to question why many of them prefer to assume/believe racist perceptions that all black people do not strive, all black people are lazy, all black people do not work hard—-and that only white people strive, only white people are not lazy, only white people work hard.

Cultural capital as I stated is often INTANGIBLE; you cannot hold it in your hand.

But, you know when you have it when you (black woman, black man) walk into a room, and you are accorded respect for your humanity, respect for your capabilities, respect for your value and worth as a human being without non-black people looking at you, treating you, shunning away from you as if you are a pariah.

And black citizens have not been granted that cultural capital in ALL of America’s eyes—————-yet.

Black people bring a cultural capital to this country that no other race has ever been able to do, and white-dominated America knows that.

That is why she shows the most disrespect and disregard for black citizens because with all of the cultural capital white people have built up from genocide, theft, lies, abominations—their cultural capital has not saved this country from itself time after time.

It is black people’s cultural capital that has shown America how it can be a better place for ALL.

Only thing is, much of white America (and non-black America) hates to own up to that truth.

Hope that answers your question.

 

******************************************

REFERENCES:

Pierre Bourdieu and Jean Claude Passeron, (1990) “Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture”, Sage Publications Inc.

David Swartz, “Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu”, University of Chicago Press, (1998)

George Farkas, “Human Capital Or Cultural Capital?: Ethnicity and Poverty Groups in an Urban School District”,Publisher: Aldine Transaction, (1996).

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

RELATED LINKS:

 
The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu
Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu by David Swartz (Paperback – Feb 28, 1998)
5.0 out of 5 stars (3)
Other Editions: Hardcover
 
Language and Symbolic Power
Language and Symbolic Power by Pierre Bourdieu, John Thompson, Gino Raymond, and Matthew Adamson (Paperback – Dec 12, 1999)
4.5 out of 5 stars (2)
Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture (Published in association with Theory, Culture & Society)
Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture (Published in association with Theory, Culture & Society) by Pierre Bourdieu and Jean Claude Passeron (Paperback – Oct 1, 1990)
 
Other Editions: Hardcover, Paperback

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JOHN EDWARDS DROPS OUT OF PRESIDENTIAL RACE

Charles Dharapak/Associated Press

John Edwards announcing his candidacy in New Orleans in December 2006. Interactive Interactive Timeline: Edwards | Times Topics

 

 

 

The 2008 Campaign
Edwards Drops Out of Presidential Race

Alex Brandon/Associated Press
Edwards Drops Out of Presidential Race

 

 

 

The 2008 Campaign
 

Lori Waselchuk for The New York Times

John Edwards in New Orleans, where he announced that he was leaving the race for the Democratic nomination “so that history can blaze its path.”

Published: January 30, 2008
NEW ORLEANS — John Edwards, the progressive Democratic candidate who made a populist, anti-poverty message the centerpiece of his campaign, has decided to drop out of the presidential primary race, and is to give a speech this afternoon at the same place where he began his campaign — in New Orleans.

Throughout this season, Mr. Edwards has not been able to break through the dueling high-profile candidacies of Senators Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama. And he had not been able to raise the kind of money that his two chief rivals had early on.

On Tuesday Mr. Edwards placed separate telephone calls to Mr. Obama and Mrs. Clinton, telling each he was considering leaving the race and asking them to commit to talking about poverty more during the rest of the Democratic nominating fight, as well as the general election. But top advisers said that Mr. Edwards would not be endorsing another candidate today when he makes his formal announcement at 1 p.m.

“He just made a decision that he didn’t see a path to the nomination and he didn’t want to stick around to be a spoiler or a kingmaker,” said Jonathan Prince, a deputy campaign manager. “He wanted to go out the same way he’s been running the entire race, which is leading on the issues and shaping the agenda.”

Mr. Edwards canceled events in Alabama and North Dakota on Tuesday, opting instead to fly to New Orleans late Tuesday night. His press aides told reporters that he would make a “major policy speech” on poverty, in the city where Mr. Edwards announced his candidacy in December 2006.

Mr. Edwards placed a distant third Tuesday night in Florida’s primary. And even more disappointing, as a native of South Carolina, he finished in the mid-teens there, as Mr. Obama won overwhelmingly. Mr. Edwards had campaigned heavily in Iowa for months and months, fine-tuning a populist message and issuing many proposals, including one on health care, long before his rivals issued theirs. In the caucuses, he finished second, but just about a percentage point ahead of Mrs. Clinton.

Despite never having captured a first-place finish, Mr. Edwards had insisted that his campaign would carry on “to the convention.” And as the primary season headed toward Super Tuesday, and several of the big Southern states, Mr. Edwards was expected to draw a swath of white voters his way.

Indeed, Mr. Edwards was poised to collect enough delegates in early nominating contests to potentially influence the outcome at the Democratic nominating convention in August, if neither Mrs. Clinton nor Mr. Obama won enough delegates to clinch the nomination.

But Mr. Edwards began notifying close advisers and longtime supporters about his decision to drop out of the race early today. It was a decision rooted simply in the political reality of the challenges he faced in the 22 states holding contests on Feb. 5, according to people familiar with the decision, and had nothing to do with the health of his wife, Elizabeth Edwards, who has been battling cancer.

Mrs. Edwards and the couple’s two young children were traveling to New Orleans to be on hand for his speech this afternoon.

For days, the question of whether he would stay in the race was an off-limits topic of conversation among those in his inner circle, but several major contributors began growing antsy, with some eager to begin lining up with either Mr. Obama or Mrs. Clinton.

In the days leading up to the South Carolina primary, chatter among contributors intensified, but Mr. Edwards and his advisers worked to tamp down the speculation. His third-place finish, though, essentially sealed the decision and several contributors began raising concern that he was acting as a spoiler in the race.

John C. Moylan, a close friend and campaign adviser, said this morning that Mr. Edwards came to the decision to drop out within the last 24 hours.

“I think the timing now felt right to him,” Mr. Moylan said. “He felt like it would do more good if he stepped aside.

“I don’t think there was one overriding decision that says you have to get out now,” he added. “Clearly he could have stuck it out.”

Mr. Edwards decision to leave the race has set off a furious — and delicate — scramble from Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Obama. Mr. Edwards spoke to each of his two rivals in separate conversations on Tuesday for several minutes. According to people familiar with the conversations, Mr. Edwards offered no specific timeline for when he would withdraw or whether he would endorse one of their candidacies.

In the hours leading up to his speech in New Orleans, Mr. Edwards was placing calls to several important supporters in Iowa and other states, as well as to his longtime financial contributors.

“We could have stayed in and been competitive in some of the Feb. 5 states, but the path to winning the nomination had expired,” said one longtime associate of Mr. Edwards who spoke to him on Wednesday, but agreed to be interviewed on the condition of anonymity until Mr. Edwards made his formal announcement. “In the last couple of days, he made the decision that it was time to get out.”

Since the New Hampshire primary, Mrs. Clinton has reached out to Mr. Edwards aggressively, through telephone calls and private meetings. Mr. Obama has spent far less time courting Mr. Edwards, according to people familiar with the talks.

Mr. Obama, who was campaigning in Colorado on Wednesday, heard the news about Mr. Edwards’ withdrawal from the race while he was doing his morning workout. Aides said he would give his public comments on Mr. Edwards’s decision today during a speech in Denver.

The decision by Mr. Edwards marks the end of his second attempt at the presidency. His 2004 bid ended with an unsuccessful run as John Kerry’s vice presidential running mate.

The son of a textile worker from Robbins, N.C., Mr. Edwards built a highly successful law practice before entering politics, frequently securing million-dollar verdicts in medical malpractice claims and damage lawsuits against corporations on behalf of injured people. In fact, Mr. Edwards showed little inclination to seek public office until the death of his 16-year-old son, Wade, in a 1996 traffic accident.

Over the next year, Mr. Edwards launched a foundation and a scholarship fund in memory of his son. In 1998, in his first campaign, he defeated Senator Lauch Faircloth, a conservative Democrat-turned-Republican, for a Senate seat.

Julie Bosman reported from New Orleans and Jeff Zeleny reported from Denver. Anahad O’Connor and John Sullivan contributed from New York.http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/30/us/politics/30cnd-edwards.html?hp****************************************************************************************************One down.We are down to the wire:   Clinton vs. Obama.We shall see how America shows how far it has come in how it handles race, as well as gender, in this presidential campaign.

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UPDATED LINKS:

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/30/us/politics/30cnd-edwards.html?hp

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GROUP FIGHTS TO STOP DESECRATION OF HISTORIC BLACK CEMETARIES

Tuesday, January 29, 2008 By Rucks Russell / 11 News Click to watch video“There were quite a few plantations in this area, almost all of Spanish camp were descendants,” said Jan Hobizal.

KHOU – TV

 

The cemeteries containing the remains of the slaves who lived and died here, and the huts that once gave them shelter, have weathered the years in Glen Flora near Wharton.

But they may not weather the Trans Texas Corridor planned for the area says Jan Hobizal. “Here’s Glen Flora right here, and it would come right through here.”

It’s the fear, festering in the hearts of local historians and slave descendants alike, that that proposed road could bury this town of 150, along with its history, for good.

And so residents are racing against the clock.

They’re uncovering old tombstones dating from 1834, and pealing back the pages of a story they refuse to let die.

It is a story etched in the soil of the large farms.

“It’s important our kids know where they come from no matter how harsh the reality is,” said Hobizal.

It is a story embedded in the walls of the old Masonic Lodge, a place of refuge for newly emancipated blacks.

“You pass by a field, and you can almost imagine my grand grandfather, chopping that cotton,” said Garlan Berry. “I can almost see them looking down, or feel their hands on me.”

Berry and Hobizal says they will do all they can to save the historic community.

Their goal is to prevent the highway from drowning out those silent voices from the past.

http://www.khou.com/topstories/stories/khou080129_jj_transtexascorridor.6e837400.html

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RECONSTRUCTION: THE BLOODY SOUTH AND THE DEMISE OF BLACK POLITICS

A LONG SURRENDER:  THE GUERRILLA WAR AFTER THE CIVIL WAR

Harper’s Weekly

An engraving depicting an agent of the Freedman’s Bureau as a peacemaker between blacks and whites after the Civil War.

In April 1865 Robert E. Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant, putting an end to four years of savage internecine conflict and settling the issue of slavery forever. “The war is over,” Grant said. “The rebels are our countrymen again.”

THE BLOODY SHIRT

Terror After Appomattox

By Stephen Budiansky

Illustrated. 322 pages. Viking. $27.95.

Related

First Chapter: ‘The Bloody Shirt’ (January 30, 2008)

Martha Polkey

Stephen Budiansky

Tony Cenicola/The New York Times

 

Not quite. As Stephen Budiansky reminds us in “The Bloody Shirt,” his impassioned account of Southern resistance to Reconstruction, the war was won, but the peace, up for grabs, would be lost, done in by Southern intransigence and Northern apathy.

“In all except the actual results of the physical struggle, I consider the South to have been the real victors in the war,” Albion Tourgée, a North Carolina state judge, said caustically in 1879. “The way in which they have neutralized the results of the war and reversed the verdict of Appomattox is the grandest thing in American politics.” Just how the trick was done is Mr. Budiansky’s subject, as seen through the eyes of a handful of men dedicated to creating a just, biracial society in the South. If “Profiles in Courage” had not already been taken, it would have made the perfect title for this linked set of portraits honoring five men who risked everything to fight for the principles that had cost so many lives. It is an inspiring yet profoundly dispiriting story.

All but one, the brilliant Confederate general James Longstreet, are unknown today. Prince R. Rivers, a literate former slave, was a South Carolina legislator and a judge in a largely black town, Hamburg, a target of white wrath. Adelbert Ames, a Union war hero, served as governor of Mississippi until, after a campaign of violence and fraud, he was driven from office by impeachment in 1875.

Albert T. Morgan, a Union veteran who earned particular scorn by marrying a black woman, came to Mississippi to seek his fortune and stayed to serve as a state legislator and sheriff of Yazoo County. Lewis Merrill, an Army major, was sent to the South to put down violence by the Ku Klux Klan and the white rifle clubs engaged in a spreading insurgency.

All five men would fail. They would witness, as Ames put it, “the political death of the Negro.”

Mr. Budiansky, a military historian, does not inspire confidence at the outset. In a fierce prologue he reviews the sorry record of white resistance to Reconstruction, a campaign of terror that took the lives of more than 3,000 freedmen and their white allies, and heaps scorn on those who would invoke wounded Southern honor as a defense.

He swears allegiance to the truth, “a sly and scared animal skulking through thickets of deception.” Our collective memory of Reconstruction, he argues, is weighted with “stock characters of thieving carpetbaggers, ignorant Negroes and low scalawags” lifted straight from “Gone With the Wind.”

Really? With enormous gusto Mr. Budiansky blasts away with both barrels at this straw man, who surely expired a generation ago. He might have taken a lesson from Major Merrill, a man described as “very indignant at wrong, and yet master of his indignation.”

Once he gets down to cases, however, vivid particulars assert themselves. Drawing heavily on the letters and dispatches of his main figures, as well as newspaper excerpts directly inserted into the text in a manner that recalls the documentaries of Ken Burns, he plunges the reader into the chaos of Reconstruction and the terrifying guerrilla war waged by embittered Southerners desperate to assert white supremacy.

They used every weapon at their disposal. Newspapers poured vitriol on Republican Party officials. Supposedly upstanding citizens aided and abetted insurgents who burned black schoolhouses, incited riots, assassinated public officials and beat and whipped blacks who tried to take part in civil society.

Resistance should not have come as a surprise. Mr. Budiansky ingeniously sets the stage for his narrative by describing the dispatches of John Richard Dennett, a correspondent for The Nation, who toured the South immediately after the war and found a people unrepentant and unprepared to admit anything except that the North had prevailed by force of arms. Sullen resentment quickly matured into open rebellion.

For the most part, Mr. Budiansky lets the appalling facts, and the words of the participants, speak for themselves. (“Coons in the canebreaks, have taken a hundred scalps,” the mayor of Vicksburg, Miss., telegraphed to a lawyer after one violent episode.) This is wise strategy, since he has a fondness for phrases like “the sick, sweet taste of blood” and a tendency to breathlessness.

General Longstreet, reviled for arguing that Southerners should accept defeat and its consequences, faced down an armed insurrection in New Orleans and lost. Ames, who tried to bring good government to Mississippi, looked on helplessly as the wildfire of rebellion spread over the state, just as Merrill did in Louisiana, victimized by lassitude in Washington.

“The whole public are tired out with these annual autumnal outbreaks in the South,” a weary Grant told his attorney general in 1875.

Albert Morgan, after a coup had ousted him from the sheriff’s office in Yazoo City, threw in the towel. Meanwhile, in Hamburg, S.C., furious white citizens finally rebelled against black officialdom. Provoked by a black constable sitting in an office chair and “fanning himself very offensively,” a local warlord by the name of Matthew C. Butler unleashed his followers, who set the town ablaze and murdered as many of the members of the black militia as they could hunt down.

That was the end of Reconstruction in Hamburg. In a poignant conclusion to the affair, Mr. Budiansky follows Prince Rivers, the town’s trial justice, to Aiken, S.C., where he found employment in the last years of his life.

“He was working for a local hotel, driving a coach; sitting as erect as a statue, said the people who saw him,” Mr. Budiansky writes. “It was the same job he had performed in slavery.”

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RELATED READING:

“Reconstruction: America’s Unfinshed Revolution: 1863-1877,  Eric Foner, History Book Club, 1988 (2005).

 
America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877
Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 by Eric Foner (Paperback – Feb 5, 2002)
4.0 out of 5 stars (31)

*********************************************************************************************************

PBS VIDEO:

AMERICAN EXPERIENCE:  “RECONSTRUCTION, THE SECOND CIVIL WAR”   (3-HOURS):

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/reconstruction/program/index.html

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CLINTON WINS IN FLORIDA, BUT WITHOUT ANY DELEGATES

Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton celebrated her victory on Tuesday night in a crowded ballroom in Davie, Fla. None of the Democratic candidates had actively campaigned in Florida.

Published: January 30, 2008
MIAMI — Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton won the Florida Democratic primary on Tuesday, a contest that generated extraordinary voter interest even though the result will have no practical impact because no delegates were at stake.

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With 95 percent of the vote counted, Mrs. Clinton, of New York, was running ahead of Senator Barack Obama of Illinois, 50 percent to 33 percent. Former Senator John Edwards of North Carolina was third, with 14 percent.

None of the Democratic candidates campaigned actively here, fulfilling a pledge to the Democratic National Committee, which punished Florida Democrats for jumping the line by scheduling their primary before Feb. 5. But supporters of Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Obama worked hard to get their voters to the polls to make a symbolic show of strength.

Mrs. Clinton’s victory was expected and may have largely reflected her prominence on the national political scene for almost two decades. She did well among those who cast their votes early; among late deciders, Mr. Obama matched her almost one for one, according to exit polls conducted by Edison/Mitofsky.

Mrs. Clinton flew late Tuesday to Fort Lauderdale from Washington, and in nearby Davie she thanked more than 1,000 supporters in a banquet room for a “tremendous victory.” She was also seeking to reach Florida’s television audience, which did not see any of the Democratic candidates before the primary because they pledged not to campaign here.

“Thank you so much, oh my goodness, thank you,” she said to cheers. “You know, I could not come here to ask in person for your votes, but I’m here to thank you for your votes today.”

Mrs. Clinton noted the record turnout of Florida Democratic primary voters in her remarks, and promised that, despite the lack of a formal campaign here, “all of your voices will go with me” if she was elected president.

She told the audience that she would withdraw American troops from Iraq, improve relations with Central and South American nations, and “continue to support democracy in Cuba.”

She said that by waiting until the polls closed to land in Florida she was obeying party rules.

But some Obama supporters denounced Mrs. Clinton’s act as cynical and urged voters and journalists to dismiss Florida as a meaningless beauty contest.

“The bottom line is that Florida does not offer any delegates,” said Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, the 2004 Democratic nominee for president. “It is not a legitimate race.”

Dyeimia Johnson, 26, of Lauderhill, Fla., a town northwest of Fort Lauderdale, said she was aware that, technically speaking, her vote did not count.

“I’m still a Democrat, and I believe in the visions of Barack and Hillary,” Ms. Johnson said, without revealing for whom she had voted. “So it’s my right as a citizen, and I’m here to express it.”

Mrs. Clinton had strong support among women, Hispanics, whites, older voters, early deciders and early voters in Florida. A majority of Democratic voters said she was the most qualified to be commander in chief, and a plurality said she was the most likely to unite the country.

Mr. Obama received the support of 7 in 10 black voters, but they made up less than 20 percent of the electorate. He did better among younger voters than older ones, but they did not support him as strongly as they had in earlier primaries, and he was unable to best Mrs. Clinton among them.

Mark Bubriski, communications director for the state Democratic Party, said the huge turnout showed the enthusiasm Democrats here had for the candidates and the prospect of reclaiming the White House after eight years of Mr. Bush.

“Florida is a microcosm of the nation,” he said. “On Feb. 5 we have the closest thing to a national primary we’ve ever had in the United States. This is the last opportunity for voters in any state to have their voices heard before the whole country votes.”

Mr. Bubriski said that he believed that ultimately Florida’s 210 delegates would be seated at the national convention this summer, but that it would be up to the national party’s credentials committee to determine how they would be allocated.

The party penalized Michigan, too, for voting before Feb. 5 by withholding its delegates. Mrs. Clinton “won” that race, on Jan. 15, but she was the only one of the major Democratic contenders whose name was on the ballot.

But no matter what happens at the convention, voters here on Tuesday were determined to make their choices felt.

Ruth Weiss, 80, a transplanted New Yorker who lives in Sunrise Lakes, said she cast her ballot for Senator Clinton. “It probably will count eventually, and this is an indication of who we think should be president,” she said of herself and her husband, Manny, who also voted for Mrs. Clinton.

William Perry, 77, of Lauderhill, called the state and national parties’ spat “stupid.”

“Why punish your own party?” he said. “It doesn’t make sense.”

He said he had been vacillating between Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Obama but decided in the last two days to support Mr. Obama.

“What tipped me was the way Bill Clinton was going after him,” said Mr. Perry, a retired banker who is black. “That just put the icing on the cake for me. I think he did more damage than he did good. He should have let her run her own campaign.”

Reporting was contributed by Jeff Zeleny from El Dorado, Kan.; Patrick Healy from Davie, Fla.; Dalia Sussman from New York; and Carmen Gentile and Cristela Guerra from Florida.(Article courtesy of The New York Times:  http://www.nytimes.com )

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MCCAIN DEFEATS ROMNEY IN FLORIDA

Annie Tritt for the New York Times

John McCain speaking in Miami after his victory. With him from left are Senator Mel Martinez and Gov. Charlie Crist and Cindy McCain. More Photos >

 

Alan Diaz/Associated Press

Sen. John McCain with his wife, Cindy, and daughter Meghan in Miami after his victory. More Photos >

Published: January 29, 2008
Senator John McCain won a closely contested Florida primary on Tuesday night, capturing the biggest delegate prize of the primary season so far and adding a crucial jolt of momentum to his campaign as the nominating fight expands into a national race next Tuesday.

The Arizona senator, who was outspent by his competitors in the state, drew on the support of moderate and socially liberal voters to beat out Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor and his chief rival for the nomination.

Lagging far behind was Rudolph W. Giuliani of New York, who had virtually staked his campaign on a strong showing in the Florida race. Mr. Giuliani, who spent weeks campaigning across the Florida peninsula, is fighting for third place with former Gov. Mike Huckabee, a potentially fatal performance on a do-or-die night for the former mayor.

Mr. McCain had 36 percent of the vote and Mr. Romney had 32 percent with more than three-quarters of the precincts reporting. Mr. Giuliani had 15 percent of the vote, while Mr. Huckabee had 14 percent.

“Our victory might not have reached landslide proportions but it is sweet nonetheless,” Mr. McCain said to supporters. He described himself as a “Republican conservative,” though Mr. Romney attracted more support from Florida voters who called themselves as “very” conservative.

Mr. Giuliani, speaking to supporters in Orlando, Fla., broadcast a large smile even as his candidacy appeared to be coming to a close. “You don’t always win,” he said. “You can always try to do it right.”

He referred to his campaign several times in the past tense. “I’m proud that we chose to stay positive and to run a campaign of ideas in an era of personal attacks, negative ad and cynical spin,” he said. “We ran a campaign that was uplifting.”

In the Democratic race, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton won with a strong showing over her chief rival, Senator Barack Obama, though the winner of that contest will receive no delegates to the national convention because of a scheduling dispute with the national party. None of the Democratic candidates campaigned in the state and the race was generally considered moot.

In an energetic victory speech, Mrs. Clinton appealed to Florida voters who may have felt disenfranchised by the cloud cast over their primary. “I promise you I will do everything I can to make sure not only are Florida’s Democratic delegates seated, but that Florida is in the winning column for the Democrats in 2008,” she told supporters in Davie, Fla., where she flew on Tuesday for an appearance.

But the focus on Tuesday was squarely on the Republican race, which offers 57 delegates to its winner. Mr. McCain now jumps to a large lead over Mr. Romney in the delegate count.

The Arizona senator received much of his support in Florida from moderates and socially liberal Republican voters, according to exit polls. More conservative and more affluent voters turned to Mr. Romney.

White evangelical Christians boosted Mr. Huckabee’s campaign in South Carolina, but in Florida, the group divided its support between Mr. Huckabee and Mr. Romney, with each candidate receiving about a third of its votes.

Early exit polls showed a heavy turnout of voters who expressed concern about the state of the nation’s economy.

Almost half of the Republican voters polled said they considered the economy the most important issue at stake in the election, and almost two-thirds described the nation’s financial state in negative terms.

In the Republican race, more than 60 percent of voters were over 50 years old, and nearly half make $75,000 a year or more.

State election officials said voting has been steady throughout Tuesday.

State election officials in Florida said voting has been steady throughout the day. “Some of the Panhandle counties and more rural counties have had what appears to be a slower turnout,” said Sterling Ivey, a spokesman for the Florida Department of State. He said some high-population counties, including Miami-Dade, Broward, Pinellas and Hillsborough, “have had a higher turnout.”

Weather in Florida was generally good, and Mr. Ivey said no major problems had been reported at the state’s roughly 6,900 polling places.

Campaign officials had predicted a high turnout for the election both because of the important Republican primary and a proposed constitutional amendment on the ballot to overhaul property taxes, which had generated great interest.

____________________________________________________________________________________

UPDATED 1/29/2008 AT 10:00PM,  C.S.T.:

Published: January 29, 2008
MIAMI — Senator John McCain edged out Mitt Romney to win the delegate-rich Florida primary on Tuesday night, solidifying his transformation from left-for-dead candidate to a front-runner and dealing a devastating blow to the presidential hopes of Rudolph W. Giuliani, whose distant finish here threatened to doom his candidacy.

Mr. McCain’s narrow victory showed he could win in a state where only Republicans were allowed to vote — not just in states like New Hampshire and South Carolina, where his earlier victories were fueled in part by independent voters. And in Florida, even a slim victory is sweet: the state awards its 57 delegates, the most of any contest yet, on a winner-take-all basis.

With 90 percent of the precincts reporting, Mr. McCain had 36 percent of the vote, Mr. Romney 31 percent, Mr. Giuliani 15 percent and Mike Huckabee 13 percent.

“We have a ways to go, but we’re getting close,” Mr. McCain said to supporters gathered here. He described himself as a “Republican conservative,” though he drew strong support in Florida from moderate and socially liberal voters.

Aides to Mr. Giuliani and Mr. McCain were in talks for Mr. Giuliani to possibly endorse the Arizona senator later this week, those involved with the discussions say.

In a concession speech, Mr. Giuliani sounded very much like a defeated candidate, saying the fight for his ideals would continue despite the election results.

“Elections are about a lot more than candidates,” he said. “Elections are about fighting for a cause larger than ourselves. They are about identifying the great challenges of our times and proposing new solutions.”

Despite Mr. McCain’s victory, he now seems headed into a two-person race with Mr. Romney. The two have shown little affection for each other, and they signaled a willingness in Florida to attack intensely as they struggle to appeal to the conservative and evangelical voters who form the backbone of the Republican Party.

Mr. Romney, in St. Petersburg, sounded like a candidate who intended to battle on. He continued to call for change in Washington, and got in what sounded like another swipe at Mr. McCain when he said America needed a president “who has actually had a job in the real economy.”

As he tries to stop Mr. McCain, Mr. Romney is trying to harness the weakening economy to his advantage by emphasizing his background in business and saying he has the ability to lead the nation back to prosperity. Mr. McCain has built his campaign around national security themes, playing off his military background and support for the war in Iraq.

Mr. Romney has sought to portray Mr. McCain as a Democrat in disguise, pointing to his stances on immigration, climate change and campaign finance regulation, all of which depart from Republican orthodoxy. Mr. McCain’s campaign has sought to label Mr. Romney as unprincipled and willing to adjust his positions on issues like abortion for political gain.

Both of them now face the challenge of rallying the party establishment and grass-roots conservatives behind them — or at least not around the other.

While most of the attention in Florida was on the Republicans, Democratic voters gave Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton a victory in a virtually uncontested race. The Democratic Party had stripped the state of its delegates as a punishment for moving its primary earlier in the year, and the leading candidates refrained from campaigning there.

Mr. McCain, of Arizona, emerges from Florida with an opportunity to get back to where he was at the beginning of this roller-coaster of an election season: the anointed front-runner. Mr. Romney, the former Massachusetts governor whose early goals of winning Iowa and New Hampshire were thwarted, wanted to show he could prevail in a competitive election somewhere outside of his native Michigan so he could battle on in the week to come.

And the candidacy of Mr. Giuliani, the former New York mayor, was left in doubt by his distant finish here. Mr. Giuliani suffered lopsided losses in all the early voting states this year and had staked his candidacy on a strong showing in Florida, where he campaigned more than anywhere else and outspent his rivals on television advertisements over the last month.

But he did not even have a clear edge among voters who were most concerned about his signature issue, terrorism, and Tuesday night he was locked in a race for third place with Mr. Huckabee, the former Arkansas governor, who barely campaigned in Florida.

Surveys of voters leaving polling places painted a picture of how successful each campaign was.

Nearly half of Republican voters listed the economy as the most important issue in exit polls, while 21 percent said terrorism, 16 percent immigration and 14 percent the war in Iraq.

Mr. McCain did significantly better than Mr. Romney among voters who cited the war or the economy as their top concern, while Mr. Romney did significantly better among voters who were most concerned about immigration.

Four in 10 Republican voters said illegal immigrants working in the United States should be deported, while about 3 in 10 said they should be allowed to stay as temporary workers and the same number said they should be offered a chance to apply for citizenship. Mr. McCain was supported by a plurality of those who favored citizenship, and Mr. Romney by those who favored deportation.

Alex Wong/Getty Images

Sen. John McCain with Gov. Charlie Crist in St. Petersburg on Tuesday. More Photos >

Lynne Sladky/Associated Press

Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton at a rally in Davie, Fla. More Photos >

Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Supporters of Rudy Giuliani in Orlando.  More Photos >

Hispanics, who made up more than one-tenth of the Republican voters, said they were more inclined to favor a guest-worker program over deportation. Forty-three percent of them said illegal immigrants should be allowed to remain in the United States as temporary workers, while one-third said they should be offered the opportunity to apply for citizenship. Only one-fifth of Hispanic Republicans said they favored deporting illegal immigrants.

Mr. McCain, who supported the immigration proposal last spring that would have created a guest-worker program and a path toward citizenship for illegal immigrants, won roughly half the Hispanic vote. Mr. Giuliani, who strongly courted Cuban-Americans in the Miami area, won about one-quarter of the Hispanic vote, and Mr. Romney, who took the hardest line on illegal immigration, finished a distant third.

Mr. McCain may have been helped with some Hispanic voters by the endorsement he gained last week from Senator Mel Martinez, Republican of Florida. An even bigger surprise endorsement, by the popular Republican governor, Charlie Crist, also appeared to help him.

More than 4 in 10 voters said Mr. Crist’s endorsement of Mr. McCain was important to them, and just over half of them voted for Mr. McCain.

The exit poll was conducted throughout the state by Edison Media Research and Mitofsky International for the National Election Pool with 1,505 Republican primary voters. To take into account the large number of early and absentee voters in Florida, Edison/Mitofsky conducted a pre-election telephone poll and included those results with the opinions of the voters exiting polls on Tuesday.

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OBAMA VISITS GRANDFATHER’S KANSAS TOWN

Obama Visits Grandfathers Kansas Town

AP Photo
Democratic presidential hopeful Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill., talks with reporters during a flight from Wshington, D.C. to Wichita Kansas, Tuesday, January 29, 2008  (AP Photo/Charles Rex Arbogast)

ASSOCIATED PRESS

EL DORADO, Kan. -For all the talk about Barack Obama’s quest to be the first black president, his visit to his grandfather’s hometown Tuesday was a reminder that it is only half the story.Obama is the son of an African father and a white mother from this heartland state, which holds its presidential caucus Feb. 5. “We’re family!” Obama said as he took the stage in a packed community college gymnasium for an event that combined politics with a personal story that does not get a lot of attention in his campaign.

Obama told reporters on the flight from Washington that the stop in Kansas would remind voters about his roots and that he was not born into privilege.

It was his first visit ever to El Dorado, where his maternal grandfather, Stanley Dunham, grew up. Obama was raised by his mother and his grandparents in Hawaii; his father left the family when Obama was just 2 years old and then returned to his native Kenya.

Obama told the audience that his story “spans miles and generations, races and realities.”

“It is a varied and unlikely journey, but one that’s held together by the same simple dream,” he said. “And that is why it’s an American story. That’s why I can stand here and talk about how this country is more than a collection of red states and blue states because my story could only happen in the United States of America.”

Obama’s campaign feels confident about his chances to win the Democratic contest in Kansas _ one of the smaller prizes among the 22 states holding Democratic nominating contests next Tuesday.

His staff has been organizing in Kansas for months without much activity from rival Hillary Rodham Clinton, and he picked up the endorsement of Gov. Kathleen Sebelius on the visit.

Sebelius, a Democrat who won election twice in solid GOP territory, told The Associated Press that Obama “brings the hope and optimism that we really need to restore our place in the world, as well as to bring this country together and really tackle the challenges that we have.”

Obama told reporters his grandfather was raised by grandparents and was a “wild child” who married his high school sweetheart from nearby Augusta, Kan., over objections from her more traditional family. He said his grandfather served in World War II and was educated on the GI Bill, while his grandmother stayed in Wichita with their baby _ Obama’s mother, Ann Dunham _ and worked on a bomber assembly line. The family eventually moved to Hawaii, where Obama was born and raised.

Obama’s upbringing in a white household contributed to some questioning early in his campaign about whether he is “black enough” to win over black voters. But that no longer is a prominent discussion around his historic bid that has won overwhelming support from blacks. Instead he has faced constant questions about whether a black candidate can be elected president in a country where racial divisions still exist.

Stanley Dunham died in 1992, Obama’s mother in 1995. But Obama said his grandmother, Madelyn Dunham, is “glued to CNN” and follows the campaign closely, even though severe osteoporosis keeps her from traveling from Hawaii.

Obama said he still has extended family in the area who have gotten involved in the campaign.

“It’s been fun actually meeting them,” Obama said of the distant white relatives. Then he added with a laugh, “You wouldn’t spot them out in a crowd as my cousins.”

Among Obama’s more distant cousins is Dick Cheney, according to genealogy research done by the vice president’s wife. Obama said, “It’s not a close relationship.”

___

Associated Press writer John Milburn in Topeka, Kan., contributed to this report.

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‘PORGY’ MEETS KATRINA, AND LIFE IS NOT SO EASY

Michael Stravato for The New York Times

The Chorus heads off to a picnic in “Porgy and Bess,” which has been reinterpreted by the Zachary Scott Theater Center at the Austin Music Hall in Texas.

Published: January 29, 2008
AUSTIN, Tex. — “Summertime/And the livin’ is easy” takes on a whole new meaning when the time becomes the summer of 2005, and the storm-tossed denizens of Catfish Row find themselves stranded on the Katrina-flooded rooftops of New Orleans.

Related

Audio excerpts from Zachary Scott Theater Center’s production of “Porgy and Bess”:

 ‘Red-Headed Woman’ (mp3)

 ‘There’s a Boat that’s Leavin’ Soon for New York’ (mp3)

Kirk R. Tuck/Zachary Scott Theater Center

Residents forced to their rooftops by the rising waters of Katrina in a new production of “Porgy and Bess” in Austin, Tex.

That’s the breakout scene in a bluesy new jazz, gospel and dance staging of “Porgy and Bess,” George Gershwin’s classic American opera of Depression-era black South Carolina fishing folk, as reinterpreted by the Zachary Scott Theater Center, this capital city’s leading stage company and central Texas’s oldest, now in its 75th-anniversary season.

“When we were rehearsing that scene, going to the rooftops, what those people were feeling in real life made me cry,” said Sacha Crosby, who plays Clara and disappears in the storm, her baby and lullaby bequeathed to Bess.

True to Gershwin, nobody says New Orleans or Katrina. But the populated roofs are an unmistakable symbol, as smoke from dry ice evokes the rising waters and seems to set the characters awash in a now familiar wasteland.

The original had the fishing folk huddled in their crumbling coastal mansion as the hurricane rages. In this version the second act opens with fishermen pulling in a huge net rigged over the theater’s orchestra level, creating the illusion in the watery blue lighting that the audience itself is being reeled in.

A nine-piece orchestra of piano, drums, strings and brass alludes to the Preservation Hall Jazz Band.

The final act goes back to the original, restoring what production notes call a “symphony of everyday objects,” a “Stomp!”-like song-scape showing ordinary people at work rebuilding their lives after the hurricane. Gershwin wrote it for the Broadway debut in 1935 but edited it out of later productions.

Anticipation has been high, with the Zach — as Austinites call the theater, named for a native son, the actor Zachary Scott — recording by far its highest sales in one week, $100,000 in nonsubscription tickets.

“Porgy and Bess,” Gershwin’s most elaborate composition, based on a novelized true-crime tale, is built around the redeeming love of the maimed Porgy for the loose Bess, in thrall to her pimp, Crown, and a serpentine drug dealer, Sportin’ Life. It added standards to the American songbook like “I Got Plenty o’ Nuttin’ ” and “It Ain’t Necessarily So.”

In this production, which opened on Friday for a 10-performance run in the hurriedly renovated 1,000-seat Austin Music Hall, the music, lyrics and plot are faithful to what Gershwin and his collaborators — his brother Ira, and the writers DuBose and Dorothy Heyward — wrote and Gershwin trimmed for its 1935 debut. Added to that are jazz-heavy soul and gospel orchestrations, choreography and imagery meant to give it a contemporary twist and evoke the Big Easy. The choreography by Robin Lewis is indebted to Bob Fosse and African tribal dance.

“I’m trying to draw attention to the resonance this has for our community,” said Dave Steakley, the theater’s producing artistic director, who won a $40,000 American Masterpieces grant from the National Endowment for the Arts to help turn the opera, which lasts up to four hours, into a two-and-a-half-hour musical.

He was particularly inspired, he said, by listening to recordings of “Porgy and Bess” by Louis Armstrong and Ella Fitzgerald, and by Ray Charles and Cleo Lane.

Mr. Steakley, who has been with the company for 17 years, through more than 200 productions, including his tribute to quirky Austin, “Keepin’ It Weird,” said he had been consumed with the plight of Katrina victims, many of whom found refuge in Texas.

“I found myself writing this grant, thinking of all those citizens and the role of government,” he said.

Cast members applauded the concept. “Dave wanted to pay homage to the people who survived New Orleans,” said Marva Hicks, who sings Bess and was Lena Horne’s backup vocalist on Broadway in “The Lady and Her Music.” “I hope the spirit in which we do it captures their spirit of survival.”

In the version licensed for the production, Mr. Steakley said, Gershwin had trimmed some music, verses and recitative, or dialogue, and had completely cut two numbers, “The Buzzard Song” and “I Hate Your Struttin’ Style.”

A fuller version triumphantly toured Europe in 1952 with Leontyne Price as Bess, and Cab Calloway as Sportin’ Life. Houston Grand Opera staged a full version in 1976, and in 1985 “Porgy and Bess” finally made it to the Metropolitan Opera.

A 1959 Hollywood version with Sidney Poitier and Dorothy Dandridge and dubbed singing largely bombed.

But with the rise of the civil rights movement, “Porgy and Bess” was often derided as racially demeaning. The original libretto included an offensive term for blacks that some performers refused to use and was later excised by Ira Gershwin.

Ms. Crosby, who sings with a popular Austin cover band, Rotel and the Hot Tomatoes, said this production was her first exposure to the work, and it took her aback.

“I can’t believe this guy wrote this; we all felt kind of uncomfortable,” said Ms. Crosby, a daughter of Philip Michael Thomas, who played Don Johnson’s sidekick, Detective Rico Tubbs, on the television series “Miami Vice.” But she said Mr. Steakley had been open to tweaks “and did let us change a couple of things.”

Other cast members said the work transcended stereotypes. “We’re beyond that now,” said David Jennings, who plays Porgy — on homemade crutches, not in the traditional goat cart — and has performed on Broadway as Coalhouse Walker Jr. in “Ragtime.”

Cedric Neal, a Dallas actor who brings down the house as the irrepressibly reptilian Sportin’ Life, agreed.

“It’s a snapshot of American history, a representation of our culture,” he said. “I think Gershwin was a brother.”

Ms. Hicks said, “I can relate to this material without being offended by it.”

But she acknowledged some initial artistic qualms. “When my agent called me, I said, ‘I’m not a lyric soprano,’ ” she said.

“ ‘No,’ they said,” Ms. Hicks recalled. “ ‘It’s a different concept.’ ”

(Article courtesy of The New York Times:  http://www.nytimes.com )

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